Why You Should Prepare for the IB Tock Essay Topics

Why You Should Prepare for the IB Tock Essay TopicsIBI's (International Business Interval) are written based on any topic and can be used for any school subject. This is a very short term essay that serves as a preliminary to an exam. After the essay, candidates will get their results.IBI (international Business interval) exams are mandatory for all candidates for the next academic year. Candidates who fail this can be eligible for another one in the same subject for next year's exams. Even if the candidate does not pass this exam, he can be eligible for the EIB (Express IBI), which is only required in the junior high or the sixth form.The IBI is divided into four sections: science, technology, culture and economy. Each section is based on a given theme and involves a multiple choice question. Many students cannot understand the writing format of the exam and ask the examiner for help. But the main thing to remember is that the exam is free.So, if you are studying abroad and would li ke to know more about the topics of the IB exam, you can look for resources in your own country. International writing magazine, Freehand, offers the full set of IBI topics to their subscribers. The only difference is that the magazine has a shorter length, compared to other ones.For those who are having a hard time preparing for the IB exam, the websites of the organization and their publications can be a good help. The International Baccalaureate website provides sample essays to help students with their preparation. The reason why so many students are being affected by the recession is because of the financial recession, and this gives them a chance to study better and be ahead of their peers who don't have a chance to study abroad.Though, a lot of people might want to opt for an alternate subject in the class, there are still some who prefer to sit for the IB. The IB tok is an easy way to prepare for the IB exam. A lot of students love to take the IB tok and it gives them a chan ce to prepare for exams by themselves. Many students who are a bit weak in their skills at writing make the IB tok easier for them.Most of the schools and institutions use the same essay topics for all their students. Since there are so many variations, most students cannot comprehend the format and ask the teachers for help. So, the only solution is to learn about the topics through research and practice, rather than memorizing the essay topics.

The Mass Incarceration Of Black Men By Michelle Alexander

1. In what sense is Alexander’s book a contribution to nonviolent social change? Through the use of literature to inspire social change, Michelle Alexander is able to bring attention to an extremely important social issue that is very prevalent throughout our country. The issue that Alexander is writing about is the mass incarceration of black males in the United States. She describes this increase of mass incarceration in depth, and relates this modern form of social control back to an old practice of the Jim Crow laws and separate but equal segregation. Prior to studying sociology and public policy, I was very uninformed and oblivious to the injustices that black people were facing in regards to drug charges. These injustices were disguised under President Reagan’s War on Drugs, but were used disproportionately to discriminate against African Americans and label them as felons, thus revoking them of any ability to receive government assistance, find adequate housing, or to be a suitable candidate for many jobs. These forms of social control, while legal, are very reminiscent of the Jim Crow laws that existed post-Reconstruction. Alexander writes, â€Å"I have a specific audience in mind—people who care deeply about racial justice but who, for any number of reasons, do not yet appreciate the magnitude of the crisis faced by communities of color†¦ I am writing this book for people like me—the person I was ten years ago† (p. xiii). By writing to an audience of readers who are notShow MoreRelatedThe New Jim Crow : Mass Incarceration1199 Words   |  5 Pagesif someone was able to change others perceptions on the American criminal justice system? Michelle Alexander was able to accomplish that by altering some people s entire perception on the American criminal justice system by focusing on our most pressing civil right issues of our time for some of those who did read her book The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration In The Age of Colorblindness. Michelle Alexander stated that The most despised in America is not gays, transgenders, nor even illegal immigrantsRead MoreThe New Jim Crow : Mass Incarceration1370 Words   |  6 PagesAmericans. Michelle Alexander, in her book, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness shatters this dominantly held belief. The New Jim Crow makes a reader profoundly question whether the high rates of incarceration in the United States is an attempt to maintain blacks as an underclass. Michelle Alexander makes the assertion that â€Å"[w]e have not ended racial caste in America; we have merely redesigned it† using the criminal justice system and colorblind rhetoric. (Alexander 2). TheRead MoreThe New Jim Crow Law1014 Words   |  5 PagesMass incarceration is known as a net of laws, policies, and rules that equates to the American criminal justice system. This series of principles of our legal system works as an entrance to a lifelong position of lower status, with no hope of advancement. Mass incarceration follows those who are released from prison through exclusion and legalized discrimination, hidden within America. The New Jim Crow is a modernized version of the original Jim Crow Laws. It is a modern racial caste system designedRead MoreMichelle Alexander Mass Incarceration1601 Words   |  7 PagesMichelle Alexander  who was born in 1968 is an associate professor of law at  Ohio State University also a civil rights  advocate and a writer. She is a highly acclaimed civil rights lawyer, advocate, and legal scholar. In recent years, she has taught at a number of universities, including Stanford Law School, where she was an associate professor of law and directed the Civil Rights Clinics. Alexander published the book  The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness. In it, she arguesRead MoreThe, Jim Crow And Mass Incarceration1056 Words   |  5 Pages Michelle Alexander writes and speaks about the 3 caste systems slavery, Jim Crow Laws, and mass incarceration. She asserts that racial separation has not gone away but rather morphed into present mass incarceration. Racial segregation has taken a new form and exists in prison systems and in socio-economic ways Caste system locks people up literally virtually. Alexander writes, â€Å"Jim Crow and mass incarceration have similar political origins. As described in chapter 1, both caste systems were bornRead More The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness, by Michelle Alexander1182 Words   |  5 PagesThe New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness is a book by Michelle Alexander, a civil rights litigator and legal scholar. The book discusses race-related issues specific to African-American males and mass incarceration in the United States. Michelle Alexander (2010) argues that despite the old Jim Crow is death, does not necessarily means the end of racial caste (p.21). In her book â€Å"The New Jim Crow†, Alexander describes a set of practices and social discourses that serve toRead MoreThe New Jim Crow By Michelle Alexander1313 Words   |  6 Pages The New Jim Crow Michelle Alexander’s the new Jim Crow Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness examine the Jim Crow practices post slavery and the mass incarceration of African-American. The creation of Jim Crows laws where used as a tool to promote segregation among the minority and white American. Michelle Alexander’s the new Jim Crow Mass takes a look at Jim Crow laws and policies were put into place to block the social progression African-American from the post-slavery to the civilRead MoreThe New Jim Crow By Michelle Alexander1316 Words   |  6 Pages The New Jim Crow Michelle Alexander’s the new Jim Crow Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness examine the Jim Crow practices post slavery and the mass incarceration of African-American. The creation of Jim Crows laws were used as a tool to promote segregation among the minority and white American. Michelle Alexander’s the new Jim Crow Mass takes a look at Jim Crow laws and policies were put into place to block the social progression African-American from the post-slavery to theRead MoreMass Incarceration Is Defined As The Imprisonment Of A Large Amount Of People1439 Words   |  6 PagesAt the simplest level, mass incarceration is defined as the imprisonment of a large amount of people. However, that does not tell the whole story. The majority of people incarcerated are minorities, and although mass incarceration began as a system of unjust racial and social control, today it continues for many political reasons including government grants, swaying voter opinion, and for-prof it prison revenue. The United States incarcerates more people, per capita, than any other nation in theRead MoreQuavyon Green . Professor Irwin . English 1113 . 2/19/2017 .987 Words   |  4 Pages  Ã‚   In The New Jim Crow by  Michelle Alexander is about a shocking statistic. That more African American men  are in  correctional facilities  or on probation than were enslaved in the mid 1800s  before the Civil war started. She offers her perspective on the mass incarceration of African American men  in the US. Taking shots  at all she holds responsible for the  issues.  She explores the social and systematic influence of racial stereotypes and  policies that support  incarceration of minorities. She  explains

Incentivise Employees and Reduce Labour Turnover free essay sample

To investigate to what extent Accenture can tailor its remuneration package to staff in order to reduce labour turnover and incentivise key employees. 1. 2 Research Objectives In order to answer this aim, the following research objectives have been set: †¢ To understanding the main theories governing reward management, including understanding how reward management can influence retention and work motivation. †¢ To understand key aspects of the reward management processes, including assessing job size and relativities, grade and pay structure, performance management, contingent pay, and employee pensions and benefits. To understand the reward management process and its affect on retention and work motivation. †¢ To assess the various remuneration packages offered within Accenture to its employees and their fit within the competitive landscape within which the company competes, as well as the resources that it can draw on internally. †¢ To analyse the extent to whic h Accenture’s remuneration packages help it to reduce labour turnover and improve employee engagement, addressing its strategic objectives. We will write a custom essay sample on Incentivise Employees and Reduce Labour Turnover or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Chapter Two – Literature Review The aim of this chapter is to set out the main theories governing reward management. In particular, focus is placed on the links between corporate strategy, HR strategy and reward strategy, which guide the type of remuneration package that would be most effective within a particular firm. The importance of the employment relationship is then discussed, including the damage that volition of the psychological contract can cause in terms of labour turnover and de-motivation. Finally, financial and non-financial ewards are discussed in order to separate the intrinsic and extrinsic motivators that are essential in incentivising key employees. 2. 1 Reward Management â€Å"Reward management is concerned with the formulation and implementation of strategies and policies that aim to reward people fairly, equitably and consistently in accordance with their value to the organization. It deals with the design, implementation and maintenance of reward processes and practices that are geared to t he improvement of organizational, team and individual performance† (Armstrong and Murlis, 2004: 3) With such overarching goals, it is perhaps no surprise that reward management is strategic in nature, affecting the long-term prosperity of the firm. The concept of reward management can be seen to have developed from a number of key proponents. These include Lawler (1990, 2003), Schuster and Zingheim (1992) and Flannery et al. (1996). Lawler (1990, 2003) helped to develop the idea of strategic pay, the notion that reward policies need to be tied into the firm’s business strategy, goals, values and culture. Employees are rewarded for practicing specific behaviours that are favoured by the firm. As these become institutionalised, the firm achieves a greater fit between its business strategy and reward strategy, which enables it to more closely meet customer needs. A key element of this involves creating a virtuous spiral for both employee and employer: â€Å"It is entirely possible to design a reward system that motivates people to work and satisfies them while at the same time contributing to organizational effectiveness† (Armstrong and Murlis, 2004: 5). Schuster and Zingheim (1992) went on to develop this concept of new pay, highlighting some of its fundamental principles. This included the idea of a total compensation program, which tied business strategy with reward strategy in order to reinforcing specific organisation behaviours. Pay was considered to be a lever that could help organisations to embrace change; in this sense, it was a positive force for change. The concept of pay became less static with the introduction of risk-based pay; the idea that pay should be variable depending on performance. At the same time, the individual was no longer the focus of pay, as team-based pay became another important mechanism for guiding organisational performance. Finally, pay became an employee relations issues; employees were no longer simply the target of pay, but became involved in devising the reward culture, the values of the organisation, its culture, and the reward systems that should be put in place accordingly. Finally, Flannery et al. (1996) were influential in developing the concept of dynamic pay although many of their nine compensation (rather than pay, per se) principles should be aligned with the organisation’s strategy, culture and values. However, they emphasised the need to tailor compensation and pay in a more focused manner. Compensation was to be linked to other changes that were planned in the organisation; it should be integrated with other people processes, as well as democratized and demystified. Its effectiveness should be measured and then the reward strategy should be refined and re-refined as appropriate. This new, strategic pay brought with it greater complexity to the practice of reward management: â€Å"It is simply no longer possible to create a set of rewards that is universally appealing to all employees or to address a series of complex business issues through a single set of solutions† (O’Neal, 1998). Nonetheless, reward management had become not so much a necessary evil, but something that an organisation could not do without, bringing with it both positive and mitigating benefits: â€Å"Pay and formal reward policies are one of the most tangible symbols of a company’s culture and employment offering and are inextricably interwoven with them. Therefore they are critical to demonstrating that the employer is delivering on its side of the employment bargain† (Brown, 2001). Therefore, in order to investigate to how Accenture can tailor its remuneration package to improve its employees motivation, as well as reduce labour turnover, it is necessary to understand the different components of reward management and the effect (positive and negative) when these components combine. The principal components of reward management include are set out in the diagram overleaf. These components will act as a framework for the literature review. Figure 1:The Components of Reward Management Source:Armstrong and Murlis (2004) 2. 2 Business / HR Strategy Firms are operating in increasingly unpredictable environments. Despite this, much of strategic management has focused on linear, unidirectional methods and models that suggested that: â€Å"Organisations are systems in which there are clear-cut connections between cause and effect†¦(which) are assumed to generate behaviour that is predictable in principle and that keeps an organisation in a state of dynamic equilibrium in which it is adapted to its environment†¦(thus making it) possible in principle to predict long-term outcomes† (Stacey, 1993: 99, 100). Authors including Peters and Waterman (1982), Porter (1980, 1985), and Burns and Stalker (1994) have all highlighted the ideal of organisation’s operating in a state of stable equilibrium, where success involves harmony, consistency, stability and regularity (Stacey, 1993). However, whilst strategy-making has moved through the one best way method, contingency approaches and those based on the principals of configuration, these have all embraced this unquestioned assumption. Part of the problem is that such wisdom places strategic fit at the centre of the organisation’s thinking ignoring the complexity that organisation’s actually face in practice. Indeed, authors such as Hamel and Prahalad (1989), Miller (1990) and Pascale (1990) have empirically questioned such thinking. Today, the realities of organisational life suggest a different picture from the conventional wisdom: â€Å"Successful organisations operate in states of bounded instability, using ositive and negative feedback to create complex new patterns of behaviour – innovations and new strategic directions†¦(and so) face reasonably predictable short-term futures but totally unknowable long-term ones†¦(which) requires us to review carefully what we mean by decision-making and control, and how we practice both† (Stacey, 1993: 246). This means that organisation’s face a whole host of change situations, which Stacey (1993) characterises as closed , contai ned and open-ended . It also has had a considerable impact on strategic decision-making, which is vital in guiding both corporate strategy and other interlinked strategies, such as HR strategy, reward strategy and so forth. The prescriptive approach to strategy, as indicative of the work of Porter’s (1980, 1985) positioning school of strategic management, suggested that the aim of strategic management was to: â€Å"establish a profitable and sustainable position against the forces the determine industry competition† (Porter, 1985: 1). Broadly, this involved firms analysing the competitive nature of their external environment using an analysis tool such as Porter’s five forces and then positioning the firm to capitalise on one of three generic strategies: low cost, differentiation or focus. However, a number of studies highlighted the limitations of such thinking; that the firm’s external environment is the determinant of firm profitability (Schmalensee, 1985; Rumelt, 1991; Hawawini et al. , 2000). Rather, research exposed the reality that the internal resources of the firm, as well as its relationships with other firms, had a significant impact on firm profitability. These became known as the resource-based view (Teece et al. , 1997) and relational-based view (Dyer and Singh, 1998) of the firm. The resource-based view suggested that competitive advantage was determined by a firm’s ability to: â€Å"accumulate resources and capabilities that are rare, valuable, non-substitutable and difficult to imitate† (Dyer and Singh, 1998: 660). This was a more inside out view that saw a firm’s core competences (Barton, 1995) and unique resources (Teece et al. , 1997) and the drivers of a firm’s strategic decision-making. In a way, the relational-based view built on the resource-based view by suggested that relationships with other firms, which helped to combine firms’ resources across organisational boundaries, would also guide strategy making. These two views of strategic management, the external Porterian view and internal view supported by Barney (1991) and others are important because they inform the choice and perspective taken towards HR strategy within the firm, which inevitably guides reward strategy. This is because strategic human resource management (SHRM) can play a very different role across firms. Hydd and Oppenheim (1990) characterise these differences along a proactive-reactive continuum. The reactive view of SHRM fits with the Porterian view of strategy and the matching model of SHRM. Here, the role that HRM plays within the firm is merely ensuring the employees fit with the firm’s generic strategy. It simply responds to strategic decisions already made, matching an organisation’s five Ps: its philosophy, policies, programs, practices and process and prevent potential: â€Å"role conflict and ambiguity that can interfere with individual performance and organisational effectiveness† (Schuler, 1989: 164). The proactive view of SHRM, on the other hand, which follows the resource-based view of SHRM, is tied to the resource-based view of the firm. Under this view, SHRM has a much more influential role in the strategy process, informing it at all levels. Here, the firm recognises the importance of its human capital and the need to devise ways that HR strategy can leverage this and convert it into intellectual capital, which is of such value to the firm. Indeed, Lei et al. (1996) emphasis how the tacit knowledge of employees: â€Å"can form the basis of competitive advantage. † In really, both the external and interview view of strategic management have their merits. Firms must be able to inform their strategic decision making according to the context of their external environment, but the long-term success of the firm depends on the firm’s ability to leverage its unique resources. As such, this dissertation adopts both perspectives. The external view will be employed in the analysis chapter later to help highlight the context of Accenture’s external environment. However, the interview view will guide the perspective this dissertation adopts towards SHRM, as well as reward strategy. On this basis, the next section highlights the essence of strategic reward. 2. 3 Strategic Reward â€Å"Strategic reward management is the process of looking ahead at what an organization needs to do about its reward policies and practices in the middle or relatively distant future. It is concern with the broader business issues the organization is facing and the general direction in which reward management must go to provide help in dealing with these issues in order to achieve longer-term business goals† (Armstrong and Murlis, 2004: 29). Reward strategy thereby supports and helps to inform corporate and HR strategy. It is important for a number of reasons: First, an organisation must have a clear sense of its future direction or at least some idea of how you are going to get there. According to Kotter (1996), for example, a key role of leaders is to set direction and align employees. Second, the biggest expense for a firm is inevitably its employees, with pay being the most significant pay of this cost. As such, the management of pay can not only have a positive motivational force, but also a detrimental impact on performance and a firm’s cost structure is poorly designed. Third, rewards do have a positive impact on performance where used properly and help leaders in their third role of motivating employees (Kotter, 1999). Finally, it is argued by Cox and Purcell (1998) that reward strategy’s real benefit rests with the blueprint is provides in linking different human resource management policies and practices together, as well as more broadly linking these with other mutually supportive strategies across the firm. Despite the obvious benefit of strategic reward and the need to align it will corporate and HR strategy, the complexities of organisation life make this more difficult that one might anticipate. According to the early school of strategic management, the design and planning schools (and to some extent the positioning school), strategy making was quite a rational process with leaders at the apex of the organisation dictating the future direction of the firm and devising blueprints that the firm should follow to enact them. However, with the greater complexity firms faced in their competitive environment, as indicated by Stacey (1993) above, together with the introduction of a more internal view of the firm (Barney, 1991), it became more realistic to see strategy making as an inherently irrational process. Certainly, Hendry and Pettigrew (1986) question the extent to which rational HR strategies and blueprints can be drawn up if these are based on an already irrational process. Strategic fit may not only be difficult to attain, but as indicated by the changing nature of strategy, it may no longer be that desirable. As Collins and Porras (1999) suggest of great, visionary companies that have lasted the test of time, a key element of their success lies with preserving the core whilst stimulating progress. As such, it is important to maintain some fit, some resemblance of the status quo, what the firms does well, but it is equally vital to stretch the organisation strategic to set it up for a changing future. Even at the level of reward strategy itself, there are many barriers to implementing an effective strategy. Armstrong and Murlis (2004) argue that: â€Å"There is always a danger of reward strategy promising much but achieving little. The rhetoric contained in the guiding principles may not turn into reality. Espoused values may not become values-in-use the things that are meant to happen may not happen. Reward strategy can too easily be unrealistic. It may appear to offer something worthwhile but the resources (money, people and time) and capability to make it happen are not available. It may include processes such as performance management that only work if line managers want to make them work and are capable of making them work. It may be met by total opposition from the trade unions† (31). Furthermore, reward strategy plays a guiding role in balancing the transactional and relational aspects of the employment relationship through developing a total reward approach: The total reward concept emphasizes the importance of considering all aspects of reward as an integrated and coherent whole. Each of the elements of total reward, namely base pay, pay contingent on performance, competence or contribution, employee benefits and non-financial rewards, which include intrinsic rewards from the employment environment and the work itself, are linked together. A total reward approach is holistic; reliance is not placed on one or two reward mechanisms or levers operating in isolation. Account is taken of all the ways in which people can be rewarded and obtain satisfaction through their work† (Armstrong and Murlis, 2004: 11). The employment relationship will be discussed in more detail in the section to follow, as will its transactional and relational aspects in subsequent sections, but it is worth noting as this stage that if Accenture is to appropriately tailor its remuneration package to labour turnover and incentivise key employees, it must devise a reward strategy that provides an effective balance of transactional and relational rewards that fit with the psychological contract it has with its employees. This psychological contract is the essence of the employment relationship between a firm and its employees and forms the basis of the next section. 2. 4 The Employment Relationship Contractual relationships have been studied across a range of disciplines (MacNeil, 1985). Such contractual (or exchange) relationships between parties have often been a substitute for trust (Okun, 1981) and have helped in developing organisational forms (Stinchcombe, 1990). In an employment setting, the formation of contracts that were unpinned by a psychological attachment between employers and employers became known as the psychological contract (Argyris, 1960). Whilst there has been relatively little agreement on a single definition of the term psychological contract (Conway, 1996; Roehling, 1996; Guest, 1998), the definition provided by Robinson and Rousseau (1994) is applied here. On this basis, the psychological contract depicts: â€Å"An individual’s belief regarding the terms and conditions of a reciprocal exchange agreement between that focal person and another party†¦ a belief that some form of a promise has been made and that the terms and conditions of the contract have been accepted by both parties† (246). The psychological contract helps to formalise the meaning, interpretations and significance of the agreed terms and conditions of an employment relationship between contracted parties. In this sense, it acts as a set of promises and unwritten expectation committing one to guide future action (Farnsworth, 1982; Schein, 1988). However, it is perhaps useful to think of its in holistic terms rather than a description of contractual terms that parties are bound by. For example, Guest (1998) highlights the difficulty that current definitions of the psychological contract pose when used for assessment: We run into difficulties as soon as we start to examined the definitions of the psychological contract†¦the first problem that emerges from a comparison of definitions is that the psychological contract may be about perceptions, expectations, beliefs, promises and obligations† (650 -1). Irrespective of the ambiguity, different definitions of the psychological contract do have some similar characteristics: First, the psychological contract is a useful concept to understand the contractual relationship between two parties (Guest, 1988; Rousseau, 1998). Second, the psychological contract is not a fixed term per se, which enables it to be used and interpreted in many different ways, allowing firms to applied it as appropriate (Rousseau, 1989, 1995). Third, the psychological contract is dynamic, helping to explain how employment relationships change over time within firms (Hiltrop, 1996). Finally, the psychological contract highlights how employment relationships develop and/or degenerate (Shore and Tetrick, 1994). The psychological contract is made up of both transactional and relational elements (Rousseau, 1990). In terms of analysing the remuneration package at Accenture, understanding the content of the psychological contract becomes vital. According to the transactional view: â€Å"The employee provides skill and effort to the employer in return for which the employer provides the employee with a salary or a wage, the traditional economist’s concept of the effort bargain† (Armstrong and Murlis, 2004: 33). On the other hand, the relational view suggests that: â€Å"Intangible relationships are developed that take place within the work environment and are affected by the process of leadership, communications and giving employees a voice, and by how jobs are designed and expectations of behaviour and performance are agreed† (Armstrong and Murlis, 2004: 33). A study by Herriot et al. (1997) exposed twelve categories explaining the content of employer obligations and seven for employees. The obligations expected of employers included: providing adequate induction and training (training), ensuring fairness of selection, appraisal, promotion and redundancy procedures (fairness), allowing time off to meet personal or family needs (needs), consulting and communicating with employees on matters which affect them (consult), having minimal interference with employees in terms of how they do their job (discretion), acting in a personally and social responsible way towards employees (humanity), giving recognition of or reward for special contribution or long service (recognition), provision of a safe and congenial work environment (environment), fairness and consistency in the application of rules and disciplinary procedures (justice), equitable pay with respect to market values and consistency awarded across the organization (pay), fairness and consistency in the administration of the benefit systems (benefits) and the organization trying hard to provide what job security th ey can (security). Employees, on the other hand, were expect: to work the hours contracted (hours), to do a good job in terms of quality and quantity (work), to deal honesty with clients and with the organization (honesty), staying with the organization, guarding its reputation and putting its interests first (loyalty), treating the organization’s property in a careful way (property), dressing and behaving correctly with customers and colleagues (self-presentation) and being willing to go beyond one’s own job description, especially in an emergency (flexibility). The study highlighted the need for the employer to deliver on its obligations if it was to expect the employee to do the same. It also emphasised the importance of balancing both relational and transactional obligations. Understanding the nature and content of the psychological contract is mportant for any firm wanting to get the best out of its employees, but knowing the implications of breaking that contract is also important (Morrison and Robinson, 1997). This is particularly relevant in the competitive environment that firms face, where their changing needs sometimes put pressure on the psychological contract, as Kickul (2001) explains: â€Å"Underlying all of these changes, organizations are finding that they must manage, renegotiate, and in some cases, abrogate the employment relationship that they have established with their employees† (289). Research has indicated that around 55 to 69 percent of employees stated that they felt the psychological contract between the firm and themselves had been violated (Robinson et al. , 1994; Rousseau, 1994; Conway and Briner, 1998; Conway et al. , 1999). When the psychological contract is broken it directly affects morale, trust, job satisfaction, commitment and motivation (Mowday et al. , 1979; Rousseau, 1989, Rousseau and Parks, 1993; Robinson and Rousseau, 1994; Robinson, 1996). Furthermore, Porter and Lawler (1986) state that volition of the psychological contract can lead the employee to no longer believe or rely on inducement promised by the employers. This is particularly important in terms of understanding how remuneration packages at Accenture can incentivise, because it suggests that if the company has not maintained its psychological contract with employees, incentivise will not necessary achieve the organisation’s goals. Motivation and Financial and Non-Financial Rewards Increasing motivation and raising levels of commitment and engagement are key organizational imperatives. The development of reward management policies, structures and practices will be underpinned by assumptions about how people can best be motivated to deliver high levels of performances, discretionary effort and contribution. These assumptions may not be articulated but the reward philosophies and policies of an organization can be no better than the motivational theories and beliefs upon which they are based† (Armstrong and Murlis, 2004: 56). Managerial approaches to motivation have traversed the traditional model, human relations model towards the human resources model (Porter et al. , 2003). Whilst all schools are still in use, the human resources model (Miles, 1965) is most applicable today. Despite criticisms, it adopts the view that humans are very complex individuals, which are motivated by a wide range of different financial and non-financial rewards. Under this view, individuals want to contribute to their work, but also desire greater levels of task variety, autonomy, responsibility and personal decision-making. The role of the organisation is not so much to motivate, but not to de-motivate. As Kotter (1996) states, the role of the leader is to align the organisation such that its employees become self-motivated whilst ensuring that policies and practices do not de-motivate staff.

Report of seasonal goods free essay sample

Yashwantrao Balwantrao Chavan (12 March 1913 – 25 November 1984) was the firstChief Minister of Maharashtra after the division of Bombay State and the fifth Deputy Prime Minister of India. We will write a custom essay sample on Report of seasonal goods or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page He was a strong Congress leader, Co-operative leader, social activist and writer. He was popularly known as Leader of Common People. He advocated social democracy in his speeches and articles and was instrumental in establishing co-operatives in Maharashtra for the betterment of the farmers. YASHWANTRAO CHAVAN BIO Yashwantrao Balwantrao Chavan (12 March 1913 25 November 1984) was the first Chief Minister of Maharashtra after the division of Bombay State, and subsequently Deputy Prime Minister of India. He was Chief Minister of Maharashtra from May 1, 1960 to November 19, 1962. Yashwantrao Chavan was born in the village of Devrashtre in Karad Taluka of Satara District of Maharashtra State of India. Apart from being the first Chief Minister of Maharashtra, he occupied the high positions of Defence Minister, Home Minister, Finance Minister, Foreign Minister, and Deputy Prime Minister of India. Yashwantrao Chavan was commonly known as Chavan saheb. While he later championed the view associated with the term Sanyukta Maharashtra, under the influence of Jawaharlal Nehru he almost accepted a bilingual state of Maharashtra[citation needed]. He had planned to write his autobiography in three parts. First part covering his early years in Satara district. His native place is situated on the banks of Krishna River and therefore the name of the first part was Krishna Kath (The bank of the Krishna River). In the middle phase of his political development he was the Chief Minister of bilingual Bombay state and later from 1 st May 1960, the newly formed Maharashtra state. All these years were spent in Mumbai so the proposed name for the second volume was Sagar Tir. Later in 1962 he was appointed Defence Minister of India by Nehru. From then onwards he was in Delhi until his death in 1984; so he had proposed the name Yamuna Kath for his third volume. He was able to complete and publish only the first volume. He was a capable orator and writer. He strongly advocated socialist democracy and was instrumental in establishing co-operatives in Maharashtra for the betterment of the farmers. In 1989, an open university named Yashwantrao Chavan Maharashtra Open University was established in Maharashtra after his name. Marotrao Kannamwar Marotrao Shambshio Kannamwar was an Indian politician who served as Chief Ministerof Maharashtra from 20 November 1962 to 24 November 1963. He represent Saoli Vidhan Sabha constituency in Bombay State in 1957 and of theMaharashtra State from 1960–1962. .[1] He was re-elected fron Saoli in 1962 elections to the Maharashtra Vidhan Sabha. He died while in office on 24 November 1963. [2] P. K. Sawant P. K. Sawant was caretaker Chief Minister of Maharashtra, an Indian state. [1] He held the position during 25 November 1963 to 4 December 1963, after death of his predecessor Marotrao Kannamwar. Marotrao Kannamwar became the chief minister of Maharashtra for the period 10th November 1962 to 24th November 1963. He started the National Defence Fund and the Kapus Ekadhikar Yojana, an umbrella scheme for cotton. He died while in office so the charge was taken over by P. K. Sawant as a caretaker Chief Minister for the period 25th November 1963 to 4th November 1963. Vasantrao Naik Vasantrao Phulsing Naik (1 July 1913 – 1979[citation needed]) was an Indian politician who served as Chief Minister of Maharashtra from 1963 until 1975. Till date he remains as the longest serving chief minister of Maharashtra. Also, he had a credit to return to power after completion of full five years which could not be possible for any other chief minister in Maharashtra, He was born in Gavli, Pusad in 1913. His experience in grassroots politics made him a responsible legislator. He was a staunch supporter of Yashwantrao Chavan. He was a Member of Legislative Assembly of Madhya Pradesh during 1952-1957, the then bilingual Bombay State during 1957-1960 and of Maharashtra during 1960 to 1977. In 1952 he was appointed Deputy Minister for Revenue in the Government of Madhya Pradesh. He was made Minister for Cooperation in 1957 and later Minister for Agriculture in the Government of Bombay State. From 1960 to 1963 he was Minister for Revenue in Government of Maharashtra. After the death of Mr. Marotrao Kannamwar, he was elected Chief Minister of Maharashtra, a post which he held for more than eleven years during 1963-1975. He was the father of theGreen Revolution in Maharashtra. The industrialization of Maharashtra is largely the legacy of his progressive industrial policies. Later his nephew Sudhakarrao Naik also became Chief Minister of Maharashtra. Many journalists and experts of political studies view him to put down communists in Mumbai through rise of right wing party Shivsena in 70s. He was also elected to 6th Lok Sabha from Washim (Lok Sabha constituency) in 1977. [1] The Shri Vasantrao Naik Government Medical College in Yavatmal city of Maharashtrastate, was named in his honour. Vasantrao Naik followed him as a Chief Minister of Maharashtra and occupied the post from 5th December 1963 to 20th February 1975. Some of the important features of his tenure were: purchase of crops like cotton, jowar, rice etc. by the government, sanctioning loans to farmers to buy cattle, rural employment guarantee scheme, poverty eradication scheme, founding of agricultural universities, establishment of open prisons, government lottery and making Marathi the official State language. Shankarrao Chavan Shankarrao Bhavrao Chavan (14 July 1920 – 26 February 2004) was an Indian politician who served twice as Chief Minister of Maharashtra from 1975 until 1977 and from 13 March 1986 until 24 June 1988. He was Finance Minister of India from 1987 to 1990, and served as Home Minister of India in the Narasimha Rao cabinet. Career Member Bombay State Legislative Council, 1956 Maharashtra Legislative Assembly, 1957–80 Lok Sabha, 1980–84 and 1985–86 Maharashtra Legislative Council, 8 July 1986 – 21 October 1988 Member of Rajya Sabha from Maharshtra 28 October 1988- 2 April 1990, April 1990 April 1996 and April 1996 April 2002 [4] Committee on Rules, Rajya Sabha, 1992–96; Cabinet Minister, Government of India Education, Culture and Social Welfare, 19 October 1980 – 7 August 1981 Deputy Chairman, Planning Commission, 8 August 1981 to 18 July 1984 External Affairs, 19 July 1984 August 1, 1984 Defence, 2 August 1984 December 30, 1984 Home, 31 December 1984 – 12 March 1986 Finance 25 June 1988 – 2 December 1989 Home, 21 June 1991 to May, 1996; Leader Congress(I) Party in Rajya Sabha 2 July 1991 May 15, 1996 Leader of the House in Rajya Sabha from 2 July 1991 to 15 May 1996 elected to the Rajya Sabha in October, 1988, re-elected in April, 1990 and again in April, 1996. Vasantdada Patil Vasantdada Patil (November 13, 1917 – March 1, 1989) was an Indian politician fromSangli, Maharashtra. He was known as the first modern Maratha strongman[citation needed]and first mass leader in Maharashtras politics. He was the Chief Minister of Maharashtra from May 17, 1977 to July 18, 1978 and again from February 2, 1983 to June 1, 1985. He also served as Governor of Rajasthan from 1985 to 1987. Political career On 25 April 1946 he was released and was welcomed by Sangli people. After Independence he started working on farmers problems. He established a Market Committee in 1951, with the main intention of giving proper prices to agriculture products. In 1958, he with his friends Dhulappa Bhaurao Navale,Rambhau Arwade,Abasaheb Shinde,Shankarao Shinde,Abasheb Kulkarni(Khebudkar) started the largest Co-operative Sugar factory on 90 acres (360,000 m2) of land. In 1960, he started an Industrial Society on 135 acres (0. 55 km2) land. ITI were started to give technical training to youth. He made efforts to increase irrigation in Sangli. In 1960 he became the chief promoter of the Groundnut Processors Co-operative Society. In the field of education he was Chairman of Latthe Education Society. He started Miraj Medical College, Civil hospital, Akashwani (All India Radio station) at Sangli. While active in politics from 1937, he was first appointed a Minister from 1972 until 1976 under Chief Minister Vasantrao Naik. In 1976 he was dropped from the Maharashtra Cabinet. He was the first minister to oppose the reservations on the basis of the caste system. This was in accordance to the guidelines of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar[clarification needed]. Due to this, he had to face the wrath of the so called secular Indian National Congress. He was very disappointed, but overcoming his disappointment, he became Chief Minister of Maharashtra three times between 1976 to 1985. He was also elected as a member of 7th Lok Sabha from Sangli (Lok Sabha constituency) in 1980. [1] Sharad Pawar Sharad Chandra Govindrao Pawar (Marathi: ; born 12 December 1940) is the president of the Nationalist Congress Party which he founded in 1999, after separating from the Indian National Congress. He has previously held the posts of Minister of Defence and Chief Minister of Maharashtra . Pawar currently serves as Minister of Agriculture, Government of India. Pawar is from the town of Baramati in the Pune district ofMaharashtra. He leads the NCP delegation in the Lok Sabha, representing his constituency of Madha in Maharashtra. He holds a position of prominence in national politics as well as the regional politics of Maharashtra, although marred by frequent allegations of corruption. Pawar also served as the Chairman of the Board of Control for Cricket in India from 2005 to 2008. In 2010, Sharad Pawar became the International Cricket Council president after Englands David Morgan. [1] Political career 1967 1990 Sharad Pawar entered the Maharashtra legislative assembly for the first time in 1967 fromBaramati, representing the undivided Congress Party. Yashwantrao Chavan was the political mentor of Sharad Pawar. [3] Pawar broke away from the Congress to form a coalition government with the Janata Partyin 1978, becoming the Chief Minister of Maharashtra for the first time at a time when Indira Gandhi had become incredibly unpopular due to her imposition of Emergency in 1975[citation needed]. This Progressive Democratic Front government was dismissed in February 1980, following Indira Gandhis return to power at the Centre. In the 1980 elections the Congress(I) party won the majority in state assembly and A. R. Antulay,took over as the chief minister of the state. Pawar took over the Presidency of his Congress(S) in 1983. For the first time, he won Lok Sabha election from Baramatiparliamentary constituency in 1984. He also won state assembly elections of March 1985 from Baramati and preferred to continue in state politics for a while and resigned from the Lok Sabha. His party, the Indian Congress (Socialist) won 54 seats out of 288 in the state assembly and he became the leader of the opposition. His returning to the Congress (I) in 1987 has been cited as a reason for the rise of the Shiv Sena at that time. Pawar had stated at the time, the need to save the COngress Culture in Maharashtra, as his reason for returning to Congress. In June 1988, Prime Minister of India and Congress President Rajiv Gandhidecided to induct then Maharashtra Chief Minister Shankarrao Chavan into Union Cabinet as Finance Minister and Sharad Pawar was chosen to replace Chavan as chief minister. Sharad Pawar had the task of checking the rise of the Shiv Sena in state politics, which was a potential challenge to the dominance of Congress party in the state[citation needed]. In 1989 Lok Sabha elections, Congress party won 28 seats out of 48 in Maharashtra. In the state assembly elections of February 1990, the alliance between the Shiv Sena and theBharatiya Janata Party posed a stiff challenge to the Congress. Congress fell short of an absolute majority in the state assembly, winning 141 seats out of 288. Sharad Pawar was sworn in as chief minister again on 4 March 1990 with the support of 12 independent or unaffiliated members of Maharashtra State Legislative Assembly (MLAs). A R Antulay Abdul Rehman Antulay was born in Kankidi, Maharashtra (born February 9, 1929[1]) was a union minister (Minority Affairs) and an MP in the 14th Lok Sabha of India. Earlier he had been the Chief Minister of the state of Maharashtra, but was forced to resign after being convicted by the Bombay High Court on charges that he had extorted money for a trust fund he managed. He belongs to the Congress Member of Parliament (MP). In the Indian general elections, 2009, he lost to Anant Geete from the Raigad (Lok Sabha constituency) of Maharashtra. Life He was born to father Shri Hafiz Abdul Gafoor and mother Zohrabi in the village Ambet District, Raigad, Maharashtra, India. He is married to Nargis Antulay and the couple have one son and three daughters. After appearing for B. A examination, he studied Barrister-At -Law, Educated at Bombay University and Lincolns Inn, London. Antulay was a member of the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly from 1962[2] to 1976, during which time he served in the Maharashtra state government as Minister of State for Law and Judiciary, Ports and Fisheries and then as Minister of Law Judiciary, Building, Communication and Housing from October 1969 to February 1976. He was a member of the Rajya Sabha from 1976 to 1980; in 1980, he was again elected to the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly and served as Chief Minister of Maharashtra from June 1980 to January 1982. He was forced to resign his post after allegations of corruption and a conviction in an extortion case. [3] He again got elected in 1985 election to the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly[4] and remained until 1989, when he was elected to the 9th Lok Sabha. Hee was re-elected to the 10th Lok Sabha in 1991. From June 1995 to May 1996, he was Union Minister of Health and Family Welfare, and from February to May 1996 he was additionally in charge of Water Resources. In 1996 he was re-elected to the 11th Lok Sabha, and in 2004 he was elected to the 14th Lok Sabha. He has been Union Minister of Minority Affairs since January 29, 2006. [1] He was Union Minister for Ministry of Minority Affairs (India) under Manmohan Singhs government. He started his career as active social worker in 1945. As a social worker his notable achievements include construction of (i) a jetty on the bank of Savitri river, Bankot (Khadi) Creek through `Shramdan`. He also worked with own hands along with the villagers of Ambet; (ii) road between the village Ambet and Lonere Goregaon (then in Kolaba, now in Raigad district) to connect his village to NH-17. He had a keen interest in the Social causes like service of the weaker section of the society and up liftment of the unfortunates. [citation needed] On medias report of his involvement in corruption, he had to resign from the post of Chief Minister of Maharashtra. Babasaheb Bhosale Babasaheb Anantrao Bhosale (15 January 1921 – 6 October 2007) was an Indianpolitician who served as Chief Minister of Maharashtra from 21 January 1982, until 1 February 1983. [1] Personal life Barrister Babasaheb Anantrao Bhosale was born on 15 January 1921 at Kaledhon(satara) in western Maharashtra state. He received a law degree and passed the Bar at Law in 1951 from England after leaving his village on a grant returning afterwards. He practiced law for 8 years in Satara. He was then appointed as a member of the Maharashtra Revenue Tribunal for ten years. His consequent appointment to Chief Minister by Indira Gandhi came as a breath of fresh air in an unprecedented first time in the History of Maharashtra where a man with no political background was handpicked for possessing the dynamism that was required for the time. Political career Bhosale was an active member of the students union while pursuing his studies in law at Rajaram college, Kolhapur. He was a freedom fighter during the Indian freedom movement and was sentenced to suffer four and a half years of imprisonment for his role during the Indian freedom movement. While he was suffering his sentence at Yerwada Central Jail, veteran freedom fighter late Tulsidas Jadhav was also suffering imprisonment for his role during the Indian freedom movement at the same prison. After his release, Bhosales engagement took place at Yerwada Central Jail with Kalavati Babasaheb Bhosale, the daughter of late Tulsidas Jadhav since late Tulsidas Jadhav was still at the Yerwada Jail. This engagement which was witnessed by Mr. Advani, the then jailer of Yerwada Central Jail. Bhosale was first elected to the Maharashtra State Vidhan Sabha (state assembly) in 1980 as a representative of Nehru Nagar, which is located near Kurla suburb in Bombay. [2] Bhosale was appointed Chief Minister of Maharashtra in a surprise move by then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi to succeed Abdul Rehman Antulay. [1] Bhosale focused on the law and judiciary, labour, and transport departments while Chief Minister of the important Indian state. [1] His official residence in Malabar Hill in Bombay, which is calledVarsha, was renamed Raigad during his political tenure. [1] He was succeeded by Vasantdada Patil in 1983. [1] Shivajirao Patil Nilangekar Shivajirao Nilangekar Patil, is a leader of Indian National Congress party and a former chief minister of Maharashtra. He was chief minister from June 1985 to March 1986. He had to resign when the Bombay High Court passed strictures against him after his daughter’s marks in the MD exams were found to have been fudged. His rule was the briefest of all chief ministers (apart from caretaker chief minister P K Sawant). [1] Educational activities Nilangekar established the Maharashtra Education Trust 1968. Under the agies of his education Society around four senior colleges,12 Higher secondary schools and 15 primary schools established. Maharashtra Pharmacy College, Nilanga, www. mcpnilanga. com was established in 1984. Maharashtra Poly. ( D. Pharmacy) Institute Nilanga Govt. Aided started in 1981. Maharashtra College of Engineering in 1983. His interests include reading, classical music, volleyball and table tennis. He is known as one of clean personality of Maharashtra Politics. He was born in Nilanaga, a town in Maharashtra. Personal Life He has five children, 04 boys and 01 girl. Dilip S Patil,Dr. Sharad S Patil,Dr. Chandrakala Arun Dawle,Ashok S Patil and Vijay S Patil are his children. Dilip has 2 sons and 1 daughter. Dr. Sharad S Patil is married to Dr. Surekha S Patil, and they have two children, Dr. Sarvesh S Patil and Shruthi S Patil. Dr. Chandrakala is married to Dr. Arun Dawle, general surgeon, and they have two children,Dr. Kiran A Dawle and Jyoti Dawle. Ashok S Patil is married to Sangeeta A Patil, they have a daughter, Samriddhi S Patil. Vijay S Patil is married Vrushali V Patil, they have two children,Gautami V Patil and Prithvi V Patil. Sudhakarrao Naik Sudhakarrao Rajusing Naik (21 August 1934 – 10 May 2001) was an Indian politician who served as Chief Minister of Maharashtra from 25 June 1991 until 22 February 1993. Born at the remote Gavli village in Yavatmal district in the Vidarbha region of Maharashtra, he was nephew of Mr Vasantrao Naik who was Chief Minister of Maharashtra for 11 years. Career He started his political career from his rural base as Sarpanch or village head. He was Member of Legislative Assembly for Maharashtra Vidhan Sabha from Pusad (Vidhan Sabha constituency) 5 times winning elections of 1978, 1980, 1985, 1990 and 1999 elections. [1] He was the Chief Minister during the Mumbai riots of 1992–1993, and he did not do anything to stop the riots He became the Chief Minister of Maharashtra in 25 June 1991. His tenure was notorious for the severe failure to control the Bombay Riots. The Justice Srikrishna Commissionblames the effete political leadership of the Congress(I) Government headed by Sudhakarrao Naik and the police force, whose built-in bias against Muslims became more pronounced with murderous attacks on the constabulary and officers. The commission held that Sudhakarrao Naik failed to act promptly and effectively and give clear-cut directives. . [2] Mr Naiks tenure as Chief Minister was also noted for his attempt to destroy the clout of the Mumbai Underworld and bring them under the aegis of the law. He arrested the well-known gangsters Pappu Kalani, MLA from Ulhasnagar, and Bhai Thakur (brother of gangster-MLA Hitendra Thakur, and he started to destroy their money and muscle power. [3] However, politically, his differences with Sharad Pawar grew, and ultimately he had to resign. At one point, Sudhakarrao made a statement that Sharad Pawar had asked him to go easy on Pappu Kalani. [4] He is also remembered for his work in water conservation. He served as governor of Himachal Pradesh from 30 July 1994 to 17 September 1995. [5] In 1998, he was elected to 12th Lok Sabha from Washim (Lok Sabha constituency). [6] Manohar Joshi Manohar Gajanan Joshi, (Marathi: ) (born 2 December 1937) is anIndian politician from the state of Maharashtra. He is one of the prominent leaders of theShiv Sena political party. He was the Chief Minister of Maharashtra from 1995–1999. Background and family He was born in lower-middle-class family hailing from Raigad district. His forthfathers migrated from Beed district to Goregaon village of Raigad district. He got help from his other middle class relatives while studying. He was married on 14 May 1964 to Smt. Anagha Joshi, and has a son, Unmesh, and two daughters. Shri Manohar Joshi has been awarded a Doctorate (in Political Science) by Mumbai University in 2010. Formation of Kohinoor After MA in Law he joined in Brihan Mumbai Corporation (BMC) as an officer, but later started the Kohinoor technical/vocational training institute with the idea of an institute for semi–skilled youths to offer training as electrician, plumber, TV/radio/scooter repairman, photography. Eventually, he started multiple branches of Kohinoor in Mumbai, Pune, Nagpur, Nashik, etc. , and later he made an entry in construction and other capital-oriented business. Manohar Joshi also founded the Kohinoor Business School Kohinoor-IMI (Hospitality) Institutes in Khandala, Maharashtra. Political career Early years He began his career by being elected to the Legislative Council from the Shiv Sena. He served three terms from 1972 till 1989. He became the Mayor of Mumbai during 1976 to 1977. He was elected to the Legislative Assembly from a Shiv Sena ticket in 1990. [1] Chief Minister He became the first non-Congress Chief Minister of Maharashtra when the Shiv Sena-Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) coalition came to power. Controversy and Resignation During his term as Chief Minister he was embroiled in a scam involving the change of reservation of a plot of land in Pune, which was being developed by his son-in-law, Girish Vyas. Just a couple of months prior to the High Court of Mumbai passing a verdict against Girish Vyas and terming the housing complex Sundew, illegal, under severe pressure from the opposition, Mr. Joshi resigned. [2] Later, the Supreme Court upheld the decision of the High Court[3] but set aside the order to conduct criminal investigation against the former Chief Minister. It asked Mr. Joshi to pay the litigant Rs 25,000, which he complied with. [4] Lok Sabha and Speaker He was promoted to the Lok Sabha when he won from Central Mumbai in the 1999 General Elections. He was the Speaker of the Lok Sabha from 2002 to 2004 during the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) administration. He was elected for a six-year term to the Rajya Sabha on 20 March 2006[5] after being defeated in the previous Lok Sabha election from the Central Mumbai constituency. Narayan Rane Narayan Rane (born 10 April 1952) is an Indian politician from the state Maharashtra and former Chief Minister of Maharashtra. He is currently the Minister for Industry, Port, Employment and Self-employment in the Government of Maharashtra. He was a member of Shiv Sena and also opposition leader of Vidhan Sabha until July 2005 and also, then he joined Indian National Congress party. Political Journey Narayan Rane joined Shivsena in his early twenties,and started his political journey as local Shakha Pramukh at Chembur, Mumbai. Rane made a humble beginning as the owner of a chicken shop in partnership with his friend and lived in Subhash Nagar- a subsidized housing society for low income families. Then he became the Councillor of Kopargaon. His relentless efforts to consolidate the Shiv Sena in the Sindhudurg taluka, mobilizing large groups of youth and growing popularity as a young dynamic leader caught the eye of Shiv Sena supremo Bal Thackeray. With the exit of Chagan Bhujbal from Shiv Sena in 1991, Rane gradually rose up within the ranks. In 1999, when Manohar Joshi stepped down from the post of Chief Minister of Maharashtra, Narayan Rane succeeded him. Differences arose within the Sena after Uddhav Thackeray was chosen as Shiv Sena working president. Rane publicly criticized Uddhav and questioned his administration abilities. This caused Shiv Sena to expel Rane from the party on 3 July 2005. Subsequently, he also resigned from the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly. Rane later joined the Indian congress Party(I) and was made the Revenue Minister of Maharashtra, often perceived as a powerful ministry. Rane sought re-election from hisMalvan seat in the Konkan region on a Congress ticket and won with a lead of over 50,000 votes despite a well-fought and organised campaign by the Shiv Sena. Shiv Sena candidate Parshuram Uparkar even lost his deposit. It was first time in the history of Shiv Sena that the rebel had won. There is considerable rift between him and their allies fromNationalist Congress Party on various issues. These were more apparent during local body elections in 2011. Suspension From Indian congress Party(I) In the wake of Mumbai attacks in 2008 Vilasrao Deshmukh, then Chief Minister of Maharashtra was removed from Chief Ministerial Post and Ashok Chavan was made Chief Minister. As soon as Ashok Chavan was made Chief Minister, Rane protested against Congress Party and its Senior Leaders resulting in suspension from Congress for six years. Later Rane apologize to Congress Chief Sonia Gandhi and was later inducted back into Congress Party and was made Minister for Industry of Maharashtra. Rane has never concealed his intentions and abilities to become the Chief Minister of Maharashtra. He supervised the debut of his two sons- Nitesh and Nilesh in Maharashtras political arena as his political heirs. Vilasrao Deshmukh Vilasrao Dagadojirao Deshmukh (26 May 1945 – 14 August 2012) was an Indian politician who served as Minister of Science and Technology and Minister of Earth Sciences. Vilasrao Deshmukh was a Member of Parliament in Rajya Sabha, India. He has previously held the posts of Minister of Rural Development and Minister of Panchayati Raj,Government of India and Minister of Heavy Industries and Public Enterprises, Government of India. [2] He was a member of Rajya Sabha representing Maharashtra. Vilasrao Deshmukh was two-time Chief Minister of Maharashtra, from 1999 to 2003 and from 2004 to 2008. He was a member of the Indian National Congress and originally belonged toLatur district in the Marathwada region of Maharashtra. Critically ill with kidney and liver failures, Deshmukh died on 14 August 2012 due to multiple organ failure at Global Hospitals, Chennai. [3][4] Political career Deshmukh entered active politics and became a member of the Babhalgaon (Latur) VillagePanchayat from 1974 to 1980 and its Sarpanch (village chief) from 1974 to 1976. He was a member of Osmanabad Zilla Parishad and Deputy Chairman of Latur Taluka Panchayat Samiti (Latur District Panchayat Committee) from 1974 to 1980. As the President of Osmanabad District Youth Congress from 1975 to 1978, he worked for the implementation of Five Point Programme of the Youth Congress. He organised the youth in Osmanabad district and became the President of District wing of the Indian National Congress. He was a Member of the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly from 1980 to 1995 winning the 1980, 1985 and 1990 elections. [5] During this period, he served as the Minister of State and the Cabinet Minister and had the portfolios of the ministries of Home, General Administration, Cooperation, Public Works, Transport, Legislative Affairs, Tourism, Agriculture, Animal Husbandry, Dairy Development Fisheries, Industry, Rural Development, Education, Technical Education, Sports and Youth Welfare. He lost the election in 1995 by a margin of 35,000. He was re-elected to the State Legislature from Latur Constituency in the elections held in September 1999 with a strong comeback winning with a margin of nearly 91,000 in two successive elections, the highest in Maharashtra. He took oath as the Chief Minister of Maharashtra on 18 October 1999. He was Chief Minister until 17 January 2003, but had to step down in January 2003 and make way for Sushilkumar Shinde, following factionalism in the state unit of the party. He was re-elected to the Legislative Assembly from Latur Constituency in October 2004. [5]He took oath of Chief Ministership for the second time on 1 November 2004 – 4 December 2008. [6][7] He subsequently entered the Rajya Sabha and was appointed to the Council of Ministers as Union Minister for Heavy Industries and Public Enterprises by Prime MinisterManmohan Singh on 28 May 2009. [8] He was appointed as Minister of Heavy Industries and Public Enterprises on 19 January 2011 cabinet reshuffle. [9] Later on he was appointed Minister of Rural Development. He was appointed as Minister of Science and Technologyand Minister of Earth Sciences on 12 July 2011. Sushilkumar Shinde Sushilkumar Sambhajirao Shinde (born 4 September 1941; Solapur, Maharashtra) is an Indian politician from the state of Maharashtra, and the current Minister of Home Affairsin the Manmohan Singh government. He previously served as the Chief Minister of the state of Maharashtra during 18 January 2003 to October 2004. [1] He is also the Leader of the house in Lok Sabha. [2][3][4] Early life and education Shinde was born on 4 September 1941, at Solapur in the present day Indian state of Maharashtra. Shinde completed his education with an honors degree in Arts from Dayanand College, Solapur; and later in law from Shivaji University. [5] Career Shinde started his career as a bailiff in Solapur sessions court, where he served from 1957 till 1965. Later, he joined the Maharashtra State Police as a constable,[6] and served as sub-inspector of police, Maharashtra state C. I. D. for six years. [7] Politics Shinde is a member of the Congress Party. He won the Maharashtra state assembly elections in 1978, 1980, 1985 and 1990. [8] Shinde was elected to Rajya Sabha from Maharashtra during July 1992 to March 1998. [9] In 2002, Shinde lost the election for the post of Vice-President of India contesting against the National Democratic Alliancecandidate Bhairon Singh Shekhawat. He served as the chief minister of Maharashtra from 2003 to 2004 before being appointed as the Governor of Andhra Pradesh on October 30, 2004 replacing Surjit Singh Barnala, who became the Governor of Tamil Nadu. He left the office on January 29, 2006. Shinde was elected unopposed to the Rajya Sabha for second time from Maharashtra on March 20, 2006. [10][11][12] Shinde became the leader of the ruling party in Lok Sabha after his predecessor Pranab Mukherjee was elected President of India. [13] Shinde served as Power minister of India from 2006-2012. Later, he was appointed Home Minister of India in 2012. [14][15] Ashok Chavan Ashok Shankarrao Chavan (born 28 October 1958 (age 55))[1] was the Chief Minister of Maharashtra. Chavan was sworn in on 8 December 2008, after his political party, theIndian National Congress and Vilasrao Deshmukh selected him to be Vilasrao Deshmukhs successor on 5 December 2008. He earlier served as Minister for Cultural Affairs, Industries, Mines and Protocol in Vilasrao Deshmukh government. Chavan is son of former Chief Minister of Maharashtra Shankarrao Chavan and they are the first father–son duo in the states history to become chief ministers. [2][3] Chavan was asked to resign as Chief Minister during a meeting with Congress president, Sonia Gandhi, after it emerged that thre

Minority Interest essays

Minority Interest essays The term minority interest in the balance sheet of Eastman Kodak appears in the balance sheet as reported by all the major sources. The term is used with a meaning not common in most other applications. In the financial world, the term minority is normally used to mean a group of shareholders who are not associated with the group who are running the company. Often enough this group is just interested in the dividends and other benefits that they can get from the company. Some companies also give large and regular dividends, and this stops the price of the share from increasing very much. These shares are termed in the stock market as "widow's shares" as a person can depend on them for regular income. However, any share will normally declare a dividend, as that is seen as one of the obligations of the managers of the company. The dividend normally does not yield as much as fixed deposits in financial institutions as the shareholder can earn much more through the appreciation of the share price and selling it when the prices are high after having bought the share when the prices were low. This is the expected action of the "investors". In the case of Eastman Kodak, the term minority interest is shown against the declaration under the heading of liabilities, but not under current liabilities, and along with mortgages, deferred taxes/income, convertible debt, long term debt, non-current capital leases, and other non-current liabilities. In short this is viewed as a long term liability to the minority shareholders. The important point to note is that the figure for this has been shown as N/A for the year ended 31st December 2003, whereas for all earlier years from 1999, this has been shown as 0. The total number of shares outstanding is also not shown. Is it be...

History of police scanners Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

History of police scanners - Essay Example In the modern era, the devices have helped in promoting security, and enhancing quick responses to emergencies. Additionally, police scanners play a crucial role in journalism and crime investigation centers. Therefore, through the application of the police scanners, the world has been compressed to a smaller area in terms of space and time. However, the evolution of police scanners has undergone tremendous changes since their invention. This essay will cover in details the history of police scanners. The idea of using receivers and transmitters began in the early 20th century where 2-way telegraphy traffic was in commercial use in the Atlantic Ocean. As early as the beginning of the 20th century, military and naval warships were applying the 2-way form of communication through the installation of both transmitters and receivers in the ships. Therefore, a two-way communication enabled ships that were apart in distance to communicate effectively. Australia.gov states that the Victorian Police were among the first sectors to invent portable 20-way radio in Australia in 1923; they installed the devices in police cars and used them to replace the previous telephone boxes that were cumbersome and at times inefficient in communication. However, the initial sets were also bulky and occupied large spaces. For instance, they occupied the entire back seat of the Lancia patrol cars. According to Scanner Master, police departments implemented the aid of tunable radio receivers to monitor police channels using a low frequency at the receiving end of the AM radio dial around 1700 KHz. They used this frequency to broadcast to their patrol cars regardless of the distance, and the communication equipment proved effective in transmitting signals. Police and fire departments used the FM radio channels that operated between 40 and 155 MHz in the 1960s, which motivated radio developers to develop scanners that could perform rapid tuning functions by

Human Trafficking Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Human Trafficking - Essay Example Human trafficking involves the exploitation bit in the sense that people are forced into prostitution, forced labor and receipt of services for no money whatsoever, slavery and even removal of different organs from the body. Children are also being used under the trafficking regimes since they form as the most vulnerable of human beings to attract and thus abduct them from their homes, schools and other areas of attachment. These children are used for begging purposes, in the form of recruitment of child soldiers, as child camel jockeys and as religious recruits for cult purposes. These indeed are the targets of the human trafficking processes and regimes. One must understand that human trafficking is somewhat different from people smuggling. What the difference is indeed is of the fact that in people smuggling, the individuals voluntarily ask the authorities to be sent across ports, in order to make their ends meet. Whilst human trafficking is a wholly different phenomenon since the human being under question does not even know where he is being transported and what will be done to him next. This is a complete case of abduction without letting any of the immediate family members know as to what is going to happen to the individual and what lies ahead for him in the future. In people smuggling, the smuggled person is set free when he reaches the new destination or port while in human trafficking, this seldom is the case. In most of the instances, the individual in human trafficking is enslaved and even the most basic of human rights is not granted upon this individual, let alone other aspects. Human trafficking is indeed full of rubbish stories and false promises which are made with individuals who will eventually be transported across lands, with the parents who do not know what future holds for their young ones, etc. For the individuals who are subjected